The Snitches and Liquidationists Refine their Technique: On the So-Called “FRSO Accountability” Website

The Worker provides the following investigation into the police-work website “FRSO Accountability” and the snitch networks backing it. We do so in opposition to snitching in the form of scandal-mongering and releasing private organizational information, including alleged finances, to the public.

We maintain serious ideological disagreements with Freedom Road Socialist Organization (FRSO); however, this does not allow one to sit quietly by as such attacks are made. Snitching and specifically the releasing of organizations’ financial information follow the plan of the ultra-reactionary imperialist-in-chief Donald Trump and his executive orders against “antifa,” which are used to oppose and crush networks and activists that the ruling class considers a threat.

With the recent abduction of activist Fergie Chambers on trumped-up charges related to financing pro-Palestine charities, we would be remiss not to issue the most urgent warning against the snitch network known as the “People’s Defense Committee”, “Revolutionary Student Union”, and their aligned organizations that comprise the Right Opportunist Headquarters in the US.

Some Examples of the ROHQ’s Police Work

The “FRSO Accountability” website, which has been in existence since November 2025, presents yet another example of the Right Opportunist Headquarters (ROHQ) in the US carrying out police-work against targeted activists, this time against Freedom Road Socialist Organization (FRSO).

The ROHQ organizations “People’s Defense Denton” and “Denton Student Union” (“DSU”), the Denton, Texas chapters of the ROHQ organizations “People’s Defense Committee” (“PDC”) and “Revolutionary Student Union” (“RSU”), respectively, have used the “FRSO Accountability” website in online smear campaigns and hackneyed recruitment attempts.

In drawing the connections between the ROHQ organizations and the snitch website in question, we must first say that police work in the form of linking activists to organizations facing repression is nothing new for them or for the “PDC” in particular.

The leadership of “PDC” Austin is a longtime collaborator and contributor to the Politically Degenerate Right Liquidationist website “Maoist Cult Exposed”. He is the same element responsible for disseminating mugshots and linking the activism of individuals to targeted groups in Austin, Texas, serving Governor Greg Abbott’s sinister and reactionary campaigns against teachers and anti-ICE activists. This rat who leads public “PDC” events in the Austin area has a long history of police work: attempting to get organizers fired from their workplaces, red tagging, and fabricating sensational stories.

“PDC” supporters under the name of “Sol Rojo SATX” have also unfolded slander campaigns in the form of public “call-outs” based on the same old postmodern criteria against anti-imperialist and student organizers in San Antonio who are currently facing state repression.

The “PDC’s” press organ, “The Masses”, had previously platformed liquidationists in India who assisted the Indian government in capturing and torturing revolutionary activists. “PDC” affiliates and supporters continue to actively back the same liquidationists in India, even going so far as to sell their material and raise money for them.

The ROHQ Refines its Police Work with “FRSO Accountability”

The coordinated attacks against FRSO came about as a response to their activism. The forces of reaction in the state of Texas are acutely focused on persecuting those involved in solidarity with Palestine and in opposition to Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). This is the context in which the public “call-outs” take place.

The website “FRSO Accountability” is a developed version of the website “Maoist Cult Exposed” and it follows the same anti-communist methodology of the writer Solzhenitsyn by creating a web of individual narratives, each one unverifiable and evading any journalistic standard, steeped in gossip and scandal as the game of telephone is played over social media.

A close study of the website in question reveals that the accusations are so weak that they are hardly convincing, and the evidence provided is superficial.

The main target of the site is a well-known Dallas-area lawyer and activist, who it attempts to discredit through the use of postmodernism and splittism supported by “PDC” Denton, “DSU”, and their affiliates. In this case, the target of the attack is accused of sexual misconduct without any proof that such misconduct materially transpired—only that it was alleged.

This approach of splitting organizations or discrediting people on the basis of accusations follows the agenda of the reactionary old-state. As the state undergoes further reactionization, it turns on the old progressive liberalism for a completely reactionary liberalism. Principles like innocent until proven guilty are negated, the old feudal idea of guilty until proven innocent is revived, and cruel, bizarre, ritualistic purity tests follow. This is the mentality of Cotton Mather, not the sensibility of revolutionaries or progressives.

A former member of the Dallas FRSO told The Worker that the website is based in an FRSO split in that city. The same source said that the main leaders of the split would comprise the local “PDC” and “DSU”. According to the source, the splitters’ original plan was to “create a Maoist splinter” group within the organization. Our source indicates that the individual who writes for the snitch website under the name “Tequila Sunset” is one of the individuals responsible for the split and is a leader of “DSU”.

The timing of the police work is particularly egregious. In September 2025, Trump issued the Executive Order Designating Antifa as a Domestic Terrorist Organization and the National Security Presidential Memorandum – 7. In this context, he directed the Department of Justice to chase finances and intensify the efforts previously used against the defenders of the Stop Cop City activists. In the order, Trump stated:

“Antifa recruits, trains, and radicalizes young Americans to engage in… violence and suppression of political activity, then employs elaborate means and mechanisms to shield the identities of its operatives, conceal its funding sources and operations in an effort to frustrate law enforcement and recruit additional members.”

The order links a number of unrelated incidents, activities, and mass rebellions under the banner of “Antifa” and boasts of a “new law enforcement strategy that investigates all participants in these criminal and terroristic conspiracies—including the organized structures, networks, entities, organizations, funding sources, and predicate actions behind them”, laying the framework to convict people for conspiracy due solely to their politics and completely legal activism and philanthropy.

The ROHQ follows the reaction along like a dog on a leash. Shortly after the Presidential Order and Memorandum, the “FRSO Accountability” page was launched, divulging the alleged internal financial information of the organization.

The ROHQ’s Social Media Tricks

In methods that mimic the process of the liquidationists described by The Worker in its recent editorial on the ROHQ, the website deploying police work against FRSO was first followed and spread by the ROHQ’s social media accounts, including its Denton chapters.

When these snitch pages are new, they lack traction and legitimacy and are left out of social media feeds due to algorithms. The quickest way to spread them is by following them with other accounts, in this case controlled by the same small band of people.

In February, “DSU” and “FRSO Accountability” co-posted on Instagram about efforts to split a planned rally against ICE that involved FRSO. They wrote that they shared a link to the snitch website “FRSO Accountability” with the rally organizers, claiming that the site is “a collective effort to document the abusive behaviors and tactics used to justify and protect abusers in the organization, and chronicle the efforts of our comrades before their exit of the organization,” implying those doing the police work are affiliated with their organizations.

On the social media platform Reddit, it is the same accounts promoting both the police work against FRSO and the activities of “PDC”. In one moment, an account will speak with an air of authority and insider knowledge: “Here in Dallas, half the district left when we found out that FRSO, both locally and nationally… had been protecting sexual abusers”, while in another post the same account will shift tactics and raise leading questions: “Hey isn’t FRSO that one organization that covered up sexual assault? I remember a video from some ex-members of their political secretary lying about it”, only for another “PDC” account to chime in with answers: “Denton Student Union is working with the organizers of this protest to see if they can get FRSO out”.

This same tactic is used by the Politically Degenerate Right Liquidationists: they make social media posts raising an apparently genuine concern, then they answer this fake concern by plugging their websites to overwhelm the viewer with allegations, not evidence, and in this way rely on identity politics to split events, organizations, and document alleged internal information before an increasingly repressive state.

The ROHQ argues that the US is either fascist or undergoing what they call “fascistization” (“DSU” itself posts on Instagram “FASCISM IS HERE”), and at the same time have absolutely no scruples whatsoever about serving up information on targeted organizations to the very same state, a state that is poised to frame people on conspiracy charges and send them to prison for decades. This is the reality of liquidationism.

Innocent Until Proven Guilty or Guilty if Accused?

Postmodernism, and its wretched spawn identity politics, is decomposed bourgeois ideology that has turned on itself in a desperate effort to prevent the rise of proletarian ideology. Like fascism, one of its main features is that it seeks to negate the Enlightenment and drag the world back to completely reactionary atavistic crusades. This is its judicial sense, conflating discipline and punishment and considering each complicit in their own and one another’s oppression.

The Enlightenment, the product of when the bourgeoisie was a revolutionary class, based itself on a partial materialism and hence raised principles such as innocent until proven guilty, and that proof, at least on paper, is supposed to be based on evidence. Bourgeois justice requires various levels of proof, where civil cases meet a minimum threshold of most likely, and criminal cases face a much stricter standard of clear and convincing evidence and beyond a reasonable doubt. The problem with the bourgeois justice system is not that it is evidence-based, but that it is an instrument of the imperialist ruling class.

When the proletariat held power in the People’s Republic of China, all trials had to be based on facts. Evidence for criminal law had to be distinct, substantial, and sufficient, meeting the conditions that there was comprehensive proof, that it was lawfully assembled, and that it ruled out reasonable doubt. There was a lower threshold for civil litigation, with the principle that who asserts must prove, reaching a general standard of a high degree of probability.

Postmodernism on the other hand returns to the justice of inquisitorial Europe and places the burden of proof primarily on the accused and presumes guilt. For postmodernism, there is no evidentiary threshold and seldom investigation beyond the initial accusation. To gather evidence or to investigate the matter at all means subjecting people to further “trauma,” which is to be avoided at all costs. This is part of its negation of the Enlightenment, which is generally taken up by well-meaning people and promoted as common sense—“no one would say it if it wasn’t true.” This is a reactionary method, based on extreme idealism, but it is especially dangerous and prevalent when it comes to progressive and revolutionary organizations, including among activists who find themselves at odds with the old-state and ruling class interests.

This opens social movements up to innumerable risks of opportunism and malicious operations that serve the old-state precisely to target and eliminate those within the struggle. The old-state’s standard for who this is constantly undergoes adjustments. What would be considered legalist, reformist activism ten years ago is today facing a multitude of repression because of reactionization and what the current administration stretches the law to consider terrorist and criminal. The Worker has documented this process with how the federal government went after legal aid supporters of Stop Cop City, how Prairieland defendants received hefty sentences for the crime of possessing or moving literature, or how Fergie Chambers has been targeted for philanthropic activism.

One of the many risks organizations and active individuals face is that of infiltration, of low-intensity warfare from the old-state and other organized forces of reaction. With postmodern criteria in place it is simpler and less difficult than ever to create a narrative and destroy on-the-ground work without firing a shot or bringing anyone up on criminal charges. Just make an allegation and demand it be taken as fact; no need even to produce a victim or any witnesses—the accusation is enough. This will get legs on social media, it will be embellished and stretched to its limit. It does not have to reflect reality as long as it is repeated often enough and loudly enough. In fact, because of postmodernism, a lot of generally honest people will help in propping up this narrative, and many of those it is used against also bear the marks of the old society and have made some mistake to help authenticate the narrative.

From here, accusations are made into a circus. In most cases those constructing a narrative and calling for isolation actually lack the modicum of power to do anything more than damage reputations online and attempt to get people fired or locked up, meaning the rats invariably rely on the old state to take the actions they cannot.

Issuing a warning from the masses to the masses, and mass action where evidentiary hearings can take place, verdicts can be reached, and people’s justice can be imposed, are questions of political and administrative power, directly linked to the question of class combat. To be able to implement it on a small scale one needs a little power, to be able to implement it on a larger scale one needs a base area, and to be able to implement it on a national scale one needs to have political power and dictatorship, based on armed forces. This power has to be conquered and it is what is fundamental. It cannot be circumvented with social media posts and reliance on the bourgeois state.

The idea that the active elements of society must in all cases be free of the ideology and misdeeds of the old society is an idealist conception only fit for the monastery. The fact is the old society is a ruin, and the people it produces are problematic. When a strike is called we do not go over the check list looking for anyone accused of misdeeds, excluding them from receiving the demands. We do not search for off-color social media posts from ten years ago to determine whether or not they deserve safe working conditions or a living wage. This is an approach only acceptable to the university-educated and petty bourgeois who, more than conquering power, are concerned primarily with their own mode of living and lifestyle. For them, “social justice” is just another contrived community or scene. They must make sure only the most suitable and pure people can march in their parades.

While there is a necessity to rid revolutionary organizations of the backwardness of the old society, this is first and foremost an ideological question, and it is a question of mass mobilization and a question of power. Hence a “call out” cannot float abstractly above reality but exists in class terms. If the perpetrator of an offense is sided with the proletariat, then this person can be reformed in a process set by the revolutionary forces. In more serious cases regulation can take place with revolutionary violence. This has been the case in armed struggles throughout the centuries and there is a clear norm for it established in the International Communist Movement. The postmodern and petty-bourgeois criteria have nothing to do with this norm; they take place in a condition of impotency without evidence, without serious investigation, and without any honest attempt at rectification or, in serious cases, of imposing severe sentences. It is the daydream of reformists and socialites. It is when these methodologies and opportunisms are raised to the level of organizational policy and ideological principle, as they have been by the ROHQ, that they begin to impose a serious attack on the revolutionary movement in the service of the old state.

The Worker calls on its readers to do away with all postmodern criteria, to practice Marxism and not revisionism, and to struggle harder than ever against police work. For those who have been caught up in the trend or misled into being collaborators with snitches, cease in this activity, make serious self-criticism, and return to your post serving reconstitution and the World Proletarian Revolution.

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